Alexander and Newell are using words to describe the ineffable, so not everyone would sign up to every detail, but their basic sense of the transcendent is essential as a motivating perspective to give us the necessary level of sustained conviction to put aside our differences and undertake the challenging task of building a better world. It’s true that they have used their website to share valuable ways to help us raise our level of consciousness. Is that enough though?
This a truly important issue, and I feel it is one we may need to explore together at some length. I sense that this first attempt may already be too long!
As an introvert, part of me would like to believe I can just step back from the world and pursue my spiritual journey quietly, interacting with just a few like-minded souls. As I noted on my blog somewhere, when I was working with a Jungian therapist he jokingly shared his perception that on my grave would be carved the words, ‘He died with his options open,’ so reluctant was I at that point to commit to any cause or to join any movement.
I still do not vote, except in Bahá’í elections. The political and economic system is, in my view, broken. I’ve explored this at some length at various times on my blog (for example see link).
Culture of Contest
Our habitual acceptance of competition and profit as natural blinds us to the problematic nature of our culture. Our ‘culture of contest,’ to borrow Michael Karlberg’s evocative phrase, is a broken model that: (a) prevents the truth being discovered and justice reliably being achieved in court rooms where the whole point in most Western countries is for two opposing teams to wrangle until one wins, (b) thwarts equity as well as increasing inequality in the economic sphere, where the prize of increasing wealth goes to the most effective competitor rather than the most worthy one, and (c) obstructs wise decision-making in the political sphere because the main point is to defeat one’s opponents in elections and remain in power for as long as possible.
To use present day party politics and the economic model as the two most relevant examples, we can see first of all that a competitive model doesn’t do a lot to widen the moral imaginations of its participants in the political sphere. Karlberg presents the weaknesses of this system clearly:[1]
As Held points out:
“Parties may aim to realise a programme of ‘ideal’ political principles, but unless their activities are based on systematic strategies for achieving electoral success they will be doomed to insignificance. Accordingly, parties become transformed, above all else, into means for fighting and winning elections.”
. . . . Once political leadership and control is determined through these adversarial contests, processes of public decision-making are also structured in an adversarial manner.
. . . .Western-liberal apologists defend this competitive system of electioneering, debate, lobbying and so forth as the rational alternative to political violence and war. Based on this commonsense premise, we structure our political systems as nonviolent contests, even though most people recognise that these contests tend to favour more powerful social groups. . . . . [T]his premise embodies a false choice that arises when the concept of democracy is conflated with the concept of partisanship. . . . . [W]e lose sight of a third alternative – non-partisan democracy – that might be more desirable.
Recent events illustrate how competitive divides corrode relationships even within the same political party.
In terms of economics, Karlberg argues the same deficiencies appear in a different guise, and in fact we ignore the fundamental principle of moral restraint on markets cited by one of the founding father’s of economic thinking, Adam Smith:[2]
Since western-liberal societies have largely neglected Smith’s call for moral self regulation, yet accepted Smith’s warnings about state regulation, they have been left with a culture of virtually unrestrained market competition. Indeed, competition has become the pre-eminent value of a deeply materialistic age. And in the absence of external and internal market regulation, its culture of competition – or culture of contest – has led to widespread social conflict and ecologically degradation.
He goes on to describe these as the causes of (1) extremes of economic inequality, driven by the capitalist’s ‘attempt to extract the maximum surplus value from the labour force that is the primary source of their wealth,’ (2) rivalries between nations, and (3) a ‘relative absence of both external state regulation and internal moral regulation’ resulting in ‘unprecedented conflict between our own species and most other species on the planet.’
Interestingly, a more recent read was singing from a similar hymn sheet. Daniel Pick, in his book Brainwashed: a new history of thought control, picks up on an idea of Hannah Arendt’s:[3]
By politics she meant a process whereby a people, in their plurality, come together to engage with each peaceably, to look at real problems, debating trying to determine collectively what is needed; to consider matters in a properly inclusive and deliberative fashion.
He goes on to say, ‘[a] society, she suggested, needs to be engaged in a common conversation across all the differences.’
He summarises her position by saying, ‘In short, we need to struggle for the creation, or in some instances the restoration, of conditions that enable us better to engage with each other as people, with requisite information, and to think in company with others about our futures, to compare notes on harms and on remedies, with less role for money and the banishment of corrupt corporate lobbyists in that process . . .’
Sadly, opting out does not provide an effective response, but something else is needed as well if we are to effectively engage in this sort of demanding process.
Drawing on Spiritual Powers
The Bahá’í position declares that it is necessary to draw upon both material and spiritual powers (Social Action):
An exploration of the nature of social action, undertaken from a Bahá’í perspective, must necessarily place it in the broad context of the advancement of civilization. That a global civilization which is both materially and spiritually prosperous represents the next stage of a millennia-long process of social evolution provides a conception of history that endows every instance of social action with a particular purpose: to foster true prosperity, with its spiritual and material dimensions, among the diverse inhabitants of the planet. A concept of vital relevance, then, is the imperative to achieve a dynamic coherence between the practical and spiritual requirements of life.
This same document unpacks the exact implications of that very clearly indeed:
When the material and spiritual dimensions of the life of a community are kept in mind and due attention is given to both scientific and spiritual knowledge, the tendency to reduce development to the mere consumption of goods and services and the naive use of technological packages is avoided. Scientific knowledge, to take but one simple example, helps the members of a community to analyse the physical and social implications of a given technological proposal—say, its environmental impact—and spiritual insight gives rise to moral imperatives that uphold social harmony and that ensure technology serves the common good. Together, these two sources of knowledge tap roots of motivation in individuals and communities, so essential in breaking free from the shelter of passivity, and enable them to uncover the traps of consumerism.
From a Bahá’í point of view, it is from the fusion of both material and spiritual powers that the necessary understanding and motivation derive.
The Bahá’í perspective shares Matthieu Ricard’s awareness, expressed in his book Altruism, of the need to link the local through the national to the global (Social Action):
No matter how essential, a process of learning at the local level will remain limited in its effectiveness if it is not connected to a global process concerned with the material and spiritual prosperity of humanity as a whole. Structures are required, then, at all levels, from the local to the international, to facilitate learning about development.
Cultural Creatives
My sequence on what Ray and Andersen in their book The Cultural Creatives try to convey goes some way to explaining why. They discuss their sense of the exact nature of the cultural change we are all experiencing but from the point of view of the Cultural Creatives:[4]
This group, who constitute 25% of the population of America (i.e. about 50 million people), feel we are in a period of transition. The authors call it the Between.
The Between is the time between worldviews, values and ways of life; a time between stories. The transition period, [John] Naisbitt concluded, “is a great and yeasty time, filled with opportunity.” But it is so, he added, only on two critical conditions: if we can “make uncertainty our friend,” and “if we can only get a clear sense, a clear conception, a clear vision of the road ahead.”
Ray and Anderson[5] are cautious and see this period as a ‘dangerous tipping point.’ They describe the position of Cultural Creatives[6] as seeing ‘an antique system that is noisily, chaotically shaking itself to pieces.’
. . . this era is at least as much about cultural innovation as it is about decline and decay of established forms.
Ray and Anderson, in terms of interdependence, quote Mary Ford:[8]
You have to have a definition of self that’s bigger than [society’s] definitions, that’s grounded in how connected we all are to each other.
And this needs to lead to coordinated action, something which I feel plugs a hole in Alexander and Newell’s nonetheless impressive boat. The skilled marketing they do on their Sacred Acoustics site does not go far enough.
The how of mobilizing effective coordinated action is, of course, easier said than done, and we’ll be looking at that in more detail in the next post.
References:
[1]. Beyond the Culture of Contest – pages 44-46.
[3]. Brainwashed — pages 270-73.